Teeing Off at Edge of the Arctic? A Chinese Plan Baffles Iceland
Ilvy Njiokiktjien for The New York Times
Bragi Benediktsson, a sheep
farmer, at his weather station in Grimsstadir, Iceland. A Chinese
billionaire wants his land to put up a golf course and a luxury hotel.
By ANDREW HIGGINS
Published: March 22, 2013
GRIMSSTADIR, Iceland — Struggling to stand upright against a howling
wind, Bragi Benediktsson looked out over his family’s land — a barren
expanse of snow and ice that a Chinese billionaire wants to turn into a
golf course — and laughed. “Golf here is difficult,” said Mr.
Benediktsson, a 75-year-old sheep farmer.
Ilvy Njiokiktjien for The New York Times
Mr. Benediktsson located Grimsstadir on a map. Even
for Icelanders used to harsh weather, Grimsstadir is a desolate spot.
“Golf here is difficult,” said Mr. Benediktsson, who
is 75. He has been seesawing on whether to sell his land, but is mindful
of his age. “When the hotel goes up, I’ll be down in the ground.”
It was 11 a.m., and a pale sun had only just crawled sluggishly into the
sky. The snow, which began falling in September, will probably continue
until May. Even for Icelanders accustomed to harsh weather and
isolation, Grimsstadir is a particularly desolate spot.
But thanks to a poetry-loving Chinese tycoon with a thing for snow, it
has become the setting for a bizarre Icelandic saga featuring
geopolitical intrigue, tens of millions of dollars and a swarm of dark
conspiracy theories. At the center of the drama is Huang Nubo, a former
official in the Chinese Communist Party’s Propaganda Department who, now
a property developer in Beijing, wants to build a luxury hotel and an
“eco golf course” for wealthy Chinese seeking clean air and solitude.
“It never seemed a very convincing business plan,” said Iceland’s
interior minister, Ogmundur Jonasson, who last year rejected a request
that Mr. Huang be exempted from Icelandic laws that restrict foreign
ownership of land. “I put many questions and got no answers,” the
minister added.
Prodded by diplomats from the United States and other countries to take a
hard look at Mr. Huang’s intentions, Mr. Jonasson questioned what might
lie behind China’s
curious interest in Grimsstadir. “One has to look at this from a
geopolitical perspective and ask about motivations,” Mr. Jonasson said.
Rebuffed in an initial attempt to buy a vast area of wilderness covering
more than 100 square miles, Mr. Huang’s Beijing-based company, the
Zhongkun Group, is now pushing for a long-term lease arrangement instead
— and counting on the prospect that elections in Iceland next month
will lead to a new, and perhaps more welcoming, government.
The current government in Reykjavik, a left-of-center coalition, has
mostly given Mr. Huang the cold shoulder. Even ministers who favor
Chinese investment wonder what is really going on.
Foreign Minister Ossur Skarphedinsson said that he saw no reason to
block Mr. Huang’s hotel venture, which is expected to cost more than
$100 million, but that he was puzzled by Mr. Huang’s desire to build a
high-end resort in a place so isolated that “you can almost hear ghosts
dancing in the snow.” As for playing golf, Mr. Skarphedinsson added,
“that doesn’t seem very sensible.”
Such bafflement has stirred much speculation about what the Chinese
tycoon and perhaps the Chinese authorities are up to. A proposal by the
Zhongkun Group to renovate a small landing strip in the Grimsstadir area
and buy 10 aircraft led to anxious talk of a Chinese air base. The
area’s relative proximity to deep fjords on Iceland’s northeast coast
near offshore oil reserves fueled speculation about a Chinese push for a
naval facility and access to the Arctic’s
bountiful supplies of natural resources. Far-fetched rumors about
Chinese missiles and listening posts led to worries about military
personnel pouring in disguised as hoteliers and golf caddies.
Mr. Huang could not be reached for comment: he was off climbing a
mountain, his company said. In response to written questions, Xu Hong, a
vice president at the company, dismissed speculation of a military
purpose or other ulterior motives as “the guesswork of post-cold-war
thinking.” Ms. Xu said Grimsstadir had been chosen because “there is
market demand in China” for peace and quiet. “Most Chinese now don’t
like to travel to dirty, noisy places,” she said.
Mr. Skarphedinsson scoffed at a widely held belief here that Mr. Huang
is leading a plot by Beijing to secure a strategic foothold in Iceland, a
NATO member that is entirely bereft of military muscle. Iceland also
sits astride what will become important shipping lanes as ice-choked
Arctic waters warm.
China has openly declared its interest in shipping routes through the
Arctic and in using Iceland as a future transport hub, Mr.
Skarphedinsson said. But these goals, he added, have been hurt, not
helped, by the cloud of suspicion generated by Mr. Huang.
“One thing the Chinese Communist Party never failed at since Mao is
public relations, but the P.R. in this venture has failed miserably,”
Iceland’s foreign minister said.
Beijing’s keen interest in Iceland, nearby Greenland and the wider
Arctic region is well known. China is negotiating a Free Trade Area
accord with Reykjavik, its first with a European nation, and last year
it sent its prime minister at the time, Wen Jiabao, for a two-day visit.
A Chinese icebreaker, the Snow Dragon, stopped off last year
as part of a push by Beijing to gain entry as an observer to the Arctic
Council, a body comprising the United States, Canada, Russia, Iceland
and Nordic states in or near Arctic waters.
China has also opened what, physically at least, is the biggest foreign
embassy by far in Reykjavik, even though it has only seven accredited
diplomats.
“Nobody knows what the devil they are up to,” said Einar Benediktsson,
Iceland’s former ambassador to Washington and a critic of his country’s
expanding ties with Beijing. “All we know is that it is very important
to China to get a foothold in the Arctic, and Iceland is an easy prey.”
Mr. Huang’s enthusiasm for Iceland at first stirred little concern.
Nobody paid much attention when, in 2010, he suddenly popped up in
Reykjavik to renew a long-dormant friendship with Hjorleifur
Sveinbjornsson, a translator of Chinese literature he had roomed with at
Peking University in the 1970s.
Mr. Sveinbjornsson doubts his old roommate is part of an elaborate
gambit by China. “If we had not shared a room he would never have even
heard of Iceland,” he said. He is not sure that Grimsstadir will work as
a resort: “It is not the first place I would have chosen.” But, noting
that Mr. Huang “is not an idiot,” Mr. Sveinbjornsson said that “maybe it
takes somebody from the outside to see the potential.”
During his first trip to Iceland in 2010, Mr. Huang made no mention of
any business plans but focused instead on poetry, announcing that he
would put up $1 million to establish and finance the China-Iceland
Cultural Fund. Led by his former roommate, the fund has since organized
two meetings of poets, the first in Reykjavik in 2010, the second a year
later in Beijing.
A third planned in Norway for last year was scrapped after Mr. Huang’s
company declared Norway unacceptable as a site. Mr. Sveinbjornsson said
no reason had been given, but he linked the move to Beijing’s continuing
fury at Norway over the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize, awarded in Oslo, which
went to Liu Xiaobo, a jailed dissident Chinese writer.
Less than a year after his first visit, Mr. Huang returned to Iceland
and offered Mr. Benediktsson, the sheep farmer, $7 million for his land
and that of some relatives and a second family. A business plan
submitted later to the government by the Zhongkun Group said “the
location fitted perfectly with our strategic plans for developing
environmentally friendly eco resorts in remote locations.” The company
said it would build a 100-room five-star resort hotel, luxury villas and
the golf course.
While exotic golf courses
are all the rage now, this one seemed to many here a long shot. “I’ve
looked at this very closely and gone through all the documents, and I’m
just aghast,” said Edward Huijbens, director of the Icelandic Tourism
Research Center in Akureyri, the main town in northern Iceland. “The
whole project is fundamentally not credible.”
But Mr. Huang’s business strategy has apparently impressed the
state-owned China Development Bank, which, according to the Zhongkun
Group, last year reached a “cooperation agreement” with the company
worth about $800 million. Ms. Xu, Zhongkun’s vice president, said the
Chinese bank “will provide loans and financial support to concrete
projects by Zhongkun, including, but not exclusively, in Iceland.”
There is now talk that some local mayors will buy the Grimsstadir land —
with money provided by Zhongkun — and then lease a portion of it to Mr.
Huang, but Mr. Jonasson, the interior minister who refused to give a
green light to Mr. Huang’s plans last year, is still suspicious.
“There are so many loose ends,” the minister said. Changing a purchase
into a lease does not change the fact that the hotel-golf complex “makes
very little sense,” he added. Mr. Jonasson said Mr. Huang “is not just a
simple poet wanting to find peace of mind in the mountains of Iceland.”
Mr. Benediktsonn, the sheep farmer, has been swinging back and forth on
whether he wants to sell his property. He does not like the idea that
the area would be flooded with Chinese tourists and golf carts, but
doubts that the resort will ever materialize, and, mindful of his own
advanced age, calculates that if it does he will not be around. “When
the hotel goes up, I’ll be down in the ground,” he said.
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